Linked in – stop blowing smoke up my bum

I am bored of Linked in encouraging me to take out premium membership to expand my network.

“You’re getting noticed” – it tells me. But what’s the point of that if you spend half your time on the site managing unwanted messages , posts and now your network of connections?

Stop blowing smoke up my arse and let me get on with creating my online communities .

Linked in limit your first degree connections to 30,000. After that it’s one in and one out. The instruction is to “manage my network”- why should I?

Right now, I have not kicked anyone out today , which means that if you are trying to connect with me – you’ll get something like this

Which is bollocks. People have millions of followers on Tic-Toc and Instagram, why can’t they have unlimited linked in connections?

And what’s this stuff about Linked in followers, I don’t get that either – just like I don’t get linked in endorsements.

Sometimes I think Linked in isn’t much more than a means to blow  smoke up your future employer’s arse.

Perhaps linked in should move on and accept that it’s become a forum and a hub of connectivity.

If it wants people to pay for it,  it should take limits off connectivity and let loose its true potential. Capping connectivity is a waste of time.

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If you can’t choose on price…what? The employer’s dilemma – choosing pensions for staff

The FCA ,TPR and DWP have made it clear that they are uncomfortable that workplace pensions are being chosen on price.

There are good reasons for this, the first of which is that low-price usually correlates with poor investment and service performance leading to poor outcomes and poor value for the money invested. The money in question is saver’s money – the outcomes impact the quality of their retirement and make them more dependent on the tax-payer in retirement.

The second is linked, if we are to have tax-incentivized pensions, the tax-payer is a stakeholder in the outcomes. It is up to the Government as agent for the tax-payer to make sure that workplace pensions are value for money and are bought on value not just “money”.

The third and most controversial reason for emphasizing value over price is that “low-cost” investments mean that money is invested in lowest common denominator funds – ETFs , passive pooled funds etc. It means there is no budget for the kind of investments that the Chancellor, the Prime Minister, the Lord Mayor of London, Sir Nigel Wilson and other notables are calling for – to build back Britain through productive capital patiently financed.

Taken together, there is a kind of argument for an inverse price cap where companies are prevented from competing on price and required to compete on something else – but what else. Should we require a workplace pension to invest at least 50% of their AMC in investment management fees – for instance? Perhaps we should go further and require funders of workplace pensions to show that at least 0.3% of money managed is spent on investment? Nick Lyons, the London Mayor wants a minimum 5% of money in workplace pension to be patient capital invested in illiquids. But these answers don’t help employers choose – what should employers be choosing on?

The obvious answers are performance and service, both of which improve outcomes in different ways. Good investments provide bigger pots that pay bigger pensions. Good service encourages more savings and pot management meaning that more money is concentrated in fewer funds – leading to better investments and lower costs.

I don’t think we need an inverse price cap but I do think we need transparency on what cost and charges in workplace pensions buy. I’m more interested in paying for good quality investments than paying for the profits of pension providers. So any disclosure of costs has to unbundle the investments from the service.

But to my central question. If I am not to buy on price, what should I buy on.

The answer to that is not as easy as “investment and service” since we don’t have a proper way of measuring either. Investments are measured either by past performance or by a subjective assessment of future performance. Service can be measured by the reaction of those getting it (trust pilot et al) and empirical evidence that service standards are being met and surpassed.

But these measures are not being used in the majority of instances where employers are choosing a workplace pension for their staff or even when trustees are choosing a consolidating master trust when winding up their DC occupational scheme.

The reports I get from Sarah Smart at the Regulator to Michael Ambery and Callum Wilson at Hymans Robertson, is that most such decisions are being taken on the basis points of the headline AMC.  This is having all the perverse consequences spelt out above and is thwarting the VFM agenda of the DWP, TPR and FCA.

In this blog,  I explain why I think employers buy mainly on price. I suggest we don’t make it easy for them to buy on anything else.


A better way of choosing pensions for staff

Let’s be clear, not much has changed since 2013 when the OFT wrote this conclusion to a report that led to insurers setting up IGCs.

The OFT got it right, IGCs have improved things but they haven’t cracked VFM. Employers do not use IGC VFM statements (or Trustee Chair VFM statements) in choosing pensions. That’s because VFM is currently poorly defined, inconsistent and badly explained.

People know that I want to change the way we talk about the performance of pensions so that we focus on what the members get not what the funds say they give.

There are lots of good reasons to move to analysing performance with reference to people’s experience – the inputs and outputs of their saving. But in the context of the VFM Framework, the most important reason why we have to move towards analysing member data is that the results are interesting enough to replace the headline AMC as the main determinant in employer buying decisions.

 

Employers are indeed bad buyers. They aren’t born bad buyers , they become so because they don’t get the information they need to be good buyers.

I would argue that the fault is not with the employers but with a system that gives them too little help in making decisions.

Moving to a proper quality standard that takes into account the experience savers and employers have with their workplace pension is very important. It’s important enough for Romi Savova to engage with the DWP about -even though Pension Bee isn’t yet part of the VFM Framework.

Moving to a proper standard to measure performance is even more important. Net performance works for DB but it does not work for DC and especially the fragmented DC system we have in this country. The proposals in chapter IV of the VFM Framework to use outdated DB techniques are simply not fit for purpose.

On Tuesday of next week , I will be renewing our discussions with the DWP, FCA and TPR, hoping that with the support of consultants and pension providers in the room, we can move to a more intuitive, accurate and cheaper way of measuring how our workplace pensions have done.

Learning from the past is a start, it is not the end. Helping employers making good decision going forward means starting with the basics and building. The consultants like Hymans Robertson can help us pick the winners of the future but we must start by assessing the past and sorting out if we have a problem or not.

The VFM Framework cannot do more than get employers into a position to know whether they need to take action. It cannot be the only means for them to choose, most will need more help to get the right workplace pension for them and their staff.

But we do need more than net performance tables and a crude RAG test, employers should expect a better way to choose than simply price, and we should be looking for the best way to do that.

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Should we mandate DC pension funds to invest in illiquids?

Nick Lyons will be speaking on his plans for UK DC on Monday

On Monday, I’ll be questioning Nick Lyons, Chair of Phoenix and Lord Mayor of the City of London on his plans to create a £100bn tech and pharma fund for UK DC pensions to invest in. He suggests that 5% of our DC pensions invest in a state superfund to grow our money and our economy.

It’s happened already in Australia, and it didn’t need a law to make it happen.

In this article,  I’ve been researching how Australian workplace pensions are achieving scale , starting by lookin at what happened to “Supers”  in 2022. It’s one thing to achieve scale, another to keep it in tough times.


How did the Australian Super system fare in the 2022 downturn?

Australia’s superannuation juggernaut lost little of its  momentum in  2022 with only the smallest overall reduction in fund assets. The KPMG Super Insights review, tells us  that in a year where the average UK pension pot lost 10% of its assets, Super schemes lost savers  just below  3% of their pots

With net inflows mitigating fund losses  , there was an overall  fall in funds  under management of just $1bn  from $2.8 trillion in 2021 to $2.799 trillion in 2022. That is some resilience

It was an even bright picture for the seven biggest funds, each worth more than $100 billion, which maintained their growth trajectory thanks to a run of mergers in the sector, observing the composition of the funds had changed. The KPMG report tells us

“In 2021, Australian Super was the only industry fund in the top seven – by the end of the 2022 financial year,  there were three industry funds in that top cohort, replacing one public sector fund and one retail fund. These largest seven funds now represent well over half (58 per cent) of the workplace Australian super industry”.

“After the mega funds, there are five funds of $60-100 billion, then a significant gap to the next biggest fund at $32 billion. There are seven funds between $20-32 billion and then a long line of smaller funds”. 

My conclusion is that scale leads to resilience and that where it is achieved, it creates the conditions for the kind of funds our Lord Mayor wants us to invest in. Which is why I support Nick Lyons fund, but only for funds where scale is being achieved. The smaller the Super, the less resilient they appear to be. Is UK DC ready for Nick Lyons fund?


Regulation driving change – the hoped for outcome of the VFM Framework

The DWP openly promote mergers and the rise of mega-funds. But it hasn’t happened yet. Compared with Australia we have many small funds. We are at an early stage.

The Australian regulator APRA’s push for smaller funds to merge, resulting in the rise of mega funds,  is a continuing driver of change in the super landscape. Five more significant mergers took place in the year under review and nine other funds have now made a merger or made a memorandum of announcement to merge.

Linda Elkins, KPMG national sector leader – asset & wealth management tells us in the report.

The growth in the super sector was restricted to the largest funds, mostly due to that merger activity. The Australian super sector is becoming more clearly stratified by size of funds,”

Notably, only 14 funds in the industry posted net flows above $300m; the other funds in the industry had low or negative net flows. And even among the seven biggest players  2022 results were mixed.


Who are the winners in this battle for scale?

In terms of net cashflow momentum, AustralianSuper dwarfed the rest of the industry by adding a huge $25 billion, followed by Australian Retirement Trust (ART) with the next highest net flows. That was the result of the completed merger of two of Australia’s largest superannuation funds – Sun Super and QSuper – that brought together more than two million members, creating the $230 billion ART.

The KPMG report said that after overtaking the “Self-managed fund” sector in terms of total net assets to become the largest category in 2021, industry funds enjoyed a significant six per cent jump in market share – from 31 per cent to 37 per cent.

These flows – effectively from retail to industrial scale funds, appear to be driven by member choice. People are choosing Super over managing their fund for themselves.

 


The numbers quoted above suggest Australians are voting with their feet , finding more value for money where there is scale.

But super funds, like any other business,  compete  among themselves to recruit and retain members, .

“To attract members and achieve organic growth funds are increasingly investing in digital capability and improving online offerings. We are also seeing a variety of member retention initiatives and funds creating smooth member journeys – often including an advice element – from accumulation phase to retirement,”

While the first stage is to engage employers and trustees, the second stage of the UK VFM project must be to engage savers in their VFM.


Tackling the risk of living too long

With Australia’s life expectancy at 84 years, unexpected longevity is a real and present risk for would-be retirees, says Melinda Howes, KPMG superannuation partner.

“There is now a critical mass of retirees with a common unmet need – dealing with longevity risk and achieving a certain income for life. APRA requires that by the end of June trustees will have undertaken an assessment of their products and strategies.”

“Consideration of longevity insurance solutions is now front of mind for many funds, given members’ desire for secure income. A number of funds have now created chief retirement officer roles, reflecting the market-wide shift in focus to retirement.”

Maintaining assets in our workplace pensions to and through retirement, is the third means for Australian Supers to grow. They are beginning to think of themselves as providing the retirement service we would call a pension.


Super’s messages for the UK

To have their enviable DC system you need

  1. Scale – mergers and the rise of the mega-funds

  2. Member acquisition and retention

  3. Retirement

Some will argue that there is a fourth requirement – mandated contributions through auto-enrolment comparable to the compulsory contributions in the Australian system. This may be desirable if you run a commercial pension fund, but we cannot rely on an extension of the AE reforms anytime soon.

I’ll be asking Nick Lyons whether we are ready for a £100bn fund.

In my view – we get there not by mandating a 5% allocation (as Nick Lyons suggests) but by creating a workplace pension  system that can invest in productive capital organically.

That means doing as Super has,  increasing scale, providing a service that makes people proud of their pension and giving people retirement options that make them want to stay invested.

That’s a lot of work, and if we aren’t prepared to put in the slog to get our funds fit for purpose, do not be surprised if we have private market investments thrust upon us.

 

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DB Scheme Funding: Some Empirical Results and Consideration

Iain Clacher & Con Keating

 

We have been collecting the reported funding ratios of DB schemes since December 2022. Through this analysis we are finding some fairly large discrepancies between reported funding ratios and the widely broadcast narrative of highly significant improvements of those ratios across the sector. One basic figure from our analysis is that range of funding ratios spans 50% to 161%.

In this note, we touch upon some of the notable points of our collected sample of 350 schemes. Of course, at slightly less than 7% of the universe of private sector funded DB schemes, this sample is not large enough, nor sufficiently assured of being representative, to prove or disprove anything, but it is sufficiently large to raise questions and concerns.

First, there is no scheme in this sample which reported a positive return on assets in 2022. The best three reported results are losses of 3.8%, 4.6%, and 5.1%; the worst performances show losses in excess of 40%. This means that any improvements in funding ratios must have been derived solely from declines in the present value of scheme liabilities.

Second, 32% of our sample saw their funding ratios deteriorate over the year. The median deterioration was 4.1%. There is a pronounced difference in the symmetry of the distribution of improvements/deterioration. The median improvement was 11.6%. The median funding level of our overall sample was 95.4% in December 2021, and this improves to just 102.1% by the end of December 2022.

It is also evident from the sample that schemes which were in deficit in 2021 were far more prone to experience deteriorations in the 2022 funding ratios than schemes that were in surplus, which exhibited a tendency to improve further.

Before illustrating why this should be the case in Box 1 below, it is worth considering how much the returns of funds might be expected to have been.  With the gain due to the decline in the present value of liabilities for schemes overall estimated by the PPF to be 38.8%, hedging 50% of interest rate exposure would suggest a gain from this of 19.4%. With , say, 50% of the fund invested in other growth assets which lost, say, 10%, we would have expected our sample to return 14.4% (19.4% – 0.5*10%)[1]. Our results are consistent in terms of both the overall results (6.7% gain), and the gain (11.6%) and loss (4.1%) partitions, when the allocation of those schemes to growth assets was 44% and schemes were overall 72% hedged.

This can also serve as a sense check for the claims of 15% or more overall improvement in scheme funding. This would have required LDI hedging of only 49%, far below its level by most accounts and in our sample.

We would also note that with the presence of the present value of liabilities in the denominator of the funding ratio, the ratio may improve even though the amount of surplus funds has fallen. A constant cash surplus of say £10 and a funding ratio of 110% in 2021 with liabilities at £100, would be reported as an improvement to 16.34% in 2022, if the liabilities have declined to £61.2% (this is assuming a 38.8% decline as reported by PPF for the market overall).

The best three improvements in the sample were from 58% to 90%, from 68% to 104% and from 88% to 137%. These improvements, to schemes that were in deficit, are all of schemes which were not employing LDI or doing so only to a very limited extent and without leverage. The worst deteriorations were from 97% to 74%, from 88% to 69% and from 83% to 65%. The largest gain in funding ratio was 55.2% and the greatest loss, 23.2%.

41.5% of our sample were in deficit on their section 179 value at December 2021, which agrees closely with the PPF’s overall estimate of 41.3% at that date. However, the PPF’s estimate that, at December 2022, just 13.4% of schemes were in deficit disagrees significantly from our sample estimate of 22%.

Box 1. Illustration of the LDI problem for schemes in deficit

The table below shows a notional scheme in deficit which has assets of £80 and liabilities of £100; it was at end 2021, 80% funded. If we assume the scheme adopted an LDI strategy which perfectly (and without any costs) hedges the interest rate sensitivity of the liabilities. In 2022, this LDI strategy results in a loss on the hedge of £34, the amount by which liabilities have declined (from £100 to £66)

2021 2022 Return
Scheme with deficit  
Assets 80 46 -42.5%
Liabilities 100 66 -34.0%
Funding 80.0% 69.7%
Fully funded scheme  
Assets 100 66 -34.0%
Liabilities 100 66 -34.0%
Funding 100% 100%

 

The result is that assets decline by £34 from £80 to £46. The liabilities have declined by 34% but the assets have declined by 42.5%. The funding ratio of this notional scheme declines from 80% to 69.7%. This provides a direct challenge to the wisdom of fully hedging the interest rate sensitivity of liabilities when schemes are in deficit.

To quote one of our correspondents:

For most of these (schemes with low or inadequate asset coverage of liabilities) TPR has encouraged an overtly defensive attitude, getting them to double up on their LDI positions “to protect the coverage you have as the first objective” – all part of TPR’s real objective which is to minimise calls on the PPF.

With TPR pushing schemes in this direction, this approach has been actively promoted by consultants and advisors.

The scheme in balance shows no gains in funding ratio. Of course, a scheme in surplus, say 150% funded, will show a gain from 150% to 176% even though its assets have fallen from £150 to £116. The decline in the present value of liabilities, the denominator of the funding ratio, drives this increase.

It is worth highlighting explicitly the implications of this. Full hedging will tend to decrease funding ratios for schemes in deficit and increase them for schemes in surplus, when rates rise, and the present values of liabilities fall. We should expect the net overall improvement or decline in the funding ratio to be determined in part by the ex-ante distribution of scheme funding. Just 30.6% of the schemes in our sample were in surplus at the end of 2021. The second major effect on the distribution of outcomes is of course the distribution of LDI hedging levels, and their costs.

While we have focussed on the 2021-2022 year, a period of interest rate rises and liability declines, this differential action is present also in other years when interest rates were declining and liabilities rising. In times of declining interest rates, the differential action will tend to compress the range of outcomes rather than expand them as is seen with interest rate increases.

Conversely, this differential action in times of rate increases will increase the dispersion of resultant funding ratios for the overall funded DB system making it intrinsically riskier than would otherwise to the case. Adding leverage to the LDI strategy compounds and increases this dispersion or riskiness further. In our sample, this increase in dispersion is substantial. When measured as the first moment of the distribution about its median, it is a threefold increase. It is evident visually in Figure 1, the comparison of the sample distributions for 2021 and 2022.

End Box

Figure 1 below shows, the funding ratio distributions of our sample at December 31st 2021 and December 31st 2022. The observation that there were both gains and losses is evident from this Figure. For example, the increase in 2022 of schemes funded between 60% and 70% can only be explained by more schemes experiencing declines in scheme funding than from improvements in funding, as the number of schemes in this range in 2022 is greater than the total number of schemes combined in the 50-60% and less than 50% range in 2021.

Figure 1: Distribution of Funding Ratios, 2021 and 2022

The most pronounced improvements are of schemes which are now 120% or more funded. However, this is a modest proportion of our sample, 16.8%, which is an increase of 15.2% from the 2021 distribution. However, if we take 120% funding as the level needed for buy-out, it suggests that the Pensions Regulator’s recent statement that 25% of schemes are now sufficiently funded to buy-out may be an overstatement.

Before moving to comparisons of our sample distributions with those published by the PPF, we shall consider two specific schemes within our sample – Table 1

Table 1: Scheme specific examples

2021 2022 Return
Scheme One
Assets 83 43.55 -47.5%
Liabilities 100 65 -35.0%
Funding 83% 67%
Scheme Two
Assets 95 46.58 -51.0%
Liabilities 100 62.1 -37.9%
Funding 95% 75%

 

Scheme One

Scheme One was 83% funded at the beginning of 2022. It reported scheme assets of £43.55 at the end of 2022. As the scheme was targeting 100% hedging, the decline in assets is attributed as to £35 to its LDI hedge and £4.45 to declines in the prices of other assets held. The scheme reports a funding ratio of 67% overall, which would have been 73.8% in the absence of those other losses.

Scheme Two

The funding ratio of this scheme was 95% at the end of 2021, very close to the median of the sample. Its liabilities dropped by 37.9% due to the rise in the discount rate from increased interest rates, to £62.10. The scheme reported assets of £46.58 at the end of 2022, down 51% from the £95 value reported in 2021.

This scheme was pursuing a strategy of using LDI not just to immunise against funding ratio declines but also to repair deficits. This strategy was widely promoted by advisors and consultants, and apparently approved by TPR. It was targeting a 125% hedge of liability movements. The loss of £48.43 can be attributed to LDI as to £47.38 and £1.05 growth assets (-2.56% on the amount invested).

This strategy of leveraging the portfolio flies in the face of the old market adage: “The road to hell is paved with the carry trade.” The decline in scheme assets of 51% left the scheme just 75% funded at the end of 2022.

Losses on LDI, liability declines, and the distribution of outcomes

There are many schemes reporting losses on their LDI portfolios far in excess of the decline in the present value of scheme liabilities. For some, it was the result of deliberate over-hedging as in the case of scheme Two above. However, for many it was the product of financial incompetence as they were targeting 100% hedges which proved different in practice. This error most commonly arises from the use of the mathematical modified duration for Index Linked Gilts and corporate bonds when their empirical volatility is far higher than that. In the case of Linkers, this volatility stems in large part from the concentrated nature of the holdings by pension funds, and in the case of corporate bonds, from the failure to recognise that part of the yield spread is compensation for default and credit migration, and that the yield spread has a life of its own.[2]

Figure 2 below compares the PPF 7800 published distribution of funding levels and that of our sample (C&K) at December 2022.

Figure 2: PPF 7800 funding levels and C&K funding levels

 

It is evident by inspection as well as formal statistical tests that these distributions are dissimilar. This is of course a comparison of two different valuation bases, the PPF section 179 value and scheme technical provisions. The principal source of idiosyncraticdifferences in these two valuation bases is the degree of maturity of schemes, that is the relative proportions of pensioner and deferred member claims. However, if we consider this difference to be broadly similar across schemes in our sample, say 20% in funding ratio, we may simply transpose our distribution as is illustrated in Figure 3 below.

 

 

Figure 3: Transposed (+ 20%) sample and PPF distribution of funding ratios

The transposition of the sample, of 20%, is we believe somewhat higher than the true difference between scheme technical provisions and will tend to inflate the number of schemes apparently able to buy-out. Given the maturity of schemes, that is the relative proportions of pensioners and deferreds and the structure of PPF compensation arrangements, we would estimate a more accurate transposition would 15%.

If we consider 130% funding on a PPF basis to be the level of funding needed for buy-out, 55% of schemes would, by PPF reckoning, be able to buy-out. If we were to consider 140% to be a better guide to the buy-out level this falls to 41%. These are respectively 28% and 24% above our sample estimates. Indeed, if we consider the correct transposition to be the more conservative 15% rather than the more generous 20% of Figure 3, then 21.7% of sample schemes are expected to exceed the 130% funding level and 13.1% to exceed the 140% level. The PPF estimates are two and threefold multiples of these values.

We can also consider the end 2021 results reported by PPF as a possible mechanism for calibration of the difference between their s179 value and the sample TP median funding ratio. The 2021 PPF 107.7% funding is equivalent to the 95.4% of the sample data, an adjustment of 12.3%.  If this differential were applied to the sample 2022 results, 102.1% technical provision funding becomes 114.4% as a PPF equivalent and that differs materially from the 136.5% reported by the PPF.

Examination of the PPF distribution and our sample as at the end of 2021 is also informative. For completeness, we should point out that the PPF distribution is marginally larger in 2021 than in 2022, whereas ours has a constant membership. For ease of examination, we show as Figure 4, the PPF distribution and our sample transposed by one bucket, 10%.

The PPF distribution had, at a 130% threshold, 16% of its schemes eligible for buy-out and at 140%, this falls to 8%. These are large numbers of schemes, 820 and 410 respectively. This prompts an immediate question: if this many schemes were eligible for buy-out in 2021, why did we not see far more than we did?

By contrast, our sample had at 140% PPF equivalent just 1.4% of schemes eligible and at 130% equivalent, this rises to 11% of schemes being eligible. At a 15% transposition as previously discussed, these fall to less than 1% at 140% and to 6% at the 130% threshold, that is from 600 schemes as the PPF number to around 50 schemes based on our data.

Figure 4: Distributions of funding ratios for PPF and the sample, transposed by 10%.

The empirical analysis we have conducted strongly suggests that, if our sample is representative of the overall universe of schemes, funding ratios have not improved by as much as is widely asserted. In particular, the improvement at higher funding levels is much lower than otherwise believed, for example, by the Pensions Regulator.

When combined with the upswell in discussions of schemes running on and off in self-sufficiency, it seems that the much publicised, and cautioned against, gold-rush bonanza of buy-out may be a rather muted affair.

LDI 2.0 and liquidity buffers

It is evident from their statements and actions that TPR would like to see a continuation of the use if LDI by schemes. This is evident in, for example, the formulation of larger liquidity buffers. It is notable that these buffers will operate in a manner counter to the carry-trade spread if they are to be maintained in cash as the pensions minister, Laura Trott has indicated:

The framework expects that funds have sufficient resilience to respond to moves in the gilt market of 250 basis points at minimum, without the need to sell assets.[3]

(Emphasis added)

The principal concern has been the avoidance of a repeat of the gilt market turmoil. We find this emphasis surprising for reasons which will become clear if we apply a simple stress test to schemes. The stress test we would apply is a repeat of the losses seen in 2022. By virtue of having occurred once it is plausible, if unlikely. We show first, as Table 2 below, the effect of such a shock on the illustrative scheme considered in Box 1.

 

 

Table 2: 2022 as a stress test of our hypothetical scheme

2022 2022 Stress test Return
Assets 46 12 -73.90%
Liabilities 66 32 -51.50%
Funding 69.70% 37.50%

 

The effect is obvious, the same magnitude of shock as previously produces a far larger deterioration of the funding ratio than was seen in 2022, 32.2% versus 10.3%. If we examine the two schemes considered earlier, the effect is even more pronounced, Table 3

Table 3: 2022 as a stress test of our actual schemes

2022 2022 Stress test Return
Scheme One
Assets 43.55 8.55 -80.4%
Liabilities 65 30 -53.8%
Funding 67.0% 28.5%
Scheme Two
Assets 46.58 8.68 -81.4%
Liabilities 62.1 24.2 -61.0%
Funding 75.0% 35.8%

 

With these levels of funding, there is simply no way in which a scheme could recover without massive additional contributions from the employer sponsor; fixed costs and pensions payments which might conservatively be of the order of £3 per annum would make additional support from the employer a necessity.

These schemes are on the verge of bankruptcy. The stress is catastrophic in effect. Schemes which have failed and entered the PPF have done so because of the insolvency of their sponsors rather than the scheme itself. The principal point here is that TPR ought not to favour LDI for these schemes in deficit and already reduced circumstances. In doing so, it is increasing the likelihood of major losses for the Pension Protection Fund (PPF), which can scarcely be considered protecting it, one of its statutory objectives. Of course, schemes which are well funded do not benefit the PPF. Indeed, because of these differential effects, TPR should never have supported and advocated the use of LDI and leveraged LDI.

In this note we have considered the funding ratio as a measure of scheme sufficiency. This is the most widely used metric in practice. We would actually prefer another more intuitive metric, schemes assets as a proportion of undiscounted projected liabilities. With this measure, declines in asset values or increases in projected liabilities will be reported as decreases in coverage.

Final thoughts

While most of this commentary has been concerned with the effects of LDI on asset values and the funding ratio, there are also to be material differences in the changes to the present value of liabilities. The PPF reports liabilities having declined by 38.8% over the year to December 2022. For comparison, a 15-year duration discount function would have declined by 34% and a 20-year by 42.7%. Our sample shows very considerable heterogeneity with liability declines from as little as 7% and 8% to as much as 41% and 42%. However, the vast majority of our sample are clustered between 30% and 35%. Of course, changes to inflation and mortality assumptions will affect liability estimates, but these observed differences still appear to be very large by comparison with plausible estimates of those potential effects taken account of.

Last, and most importantly, it is easy to overlook the significance of a ratio difference. A difference of 20% in the overall funding ratio of DB schemes is a difference of the order of magnitude £200 billion to £250 billion in monetary terms. This is no small beer and given the sensitivities of ratios, very small changes will lead to very large changes in the perceived overall position of funding.

 


[1] In these calculations, we are abstracting from the surplus/deficit issues discussed in Box 1. As the sample median was 95.4% funded, we do not believe this introduces a major bias into the calculations which follow.

[2] In this analysis of these two schemes, the costs of realisation of liquidity during the Gilts crisis and the subsequent rebalancing of portfolios, which appears still to be ongoing, are attributed to the residual non-LDI assets, as these costs are not currently separable in published or other data.

[3] https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/39828/documents/193805/default/

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Capita admits 470,000 academics’ pension data hacked

Three of Capita’s servers were hacked in March of this year. The Sunday Times put the hack on its front page in April and since then Capita has been reporting on its  cyber incident.  You can read the details on the blogs at the bottom of this page.

Capita until recently thought that only a small amount of data had been compromised but this turns out to have been wistful thinking. Yesterday the dam burst.

USS uses Capita’s technology platform (Hartlink) to support its in-house pension administration processes.  It says it  has been liaising closely with CApita over the course of its forensic investigations.

While it has been confirmed that USS member data held on Hartlink has not been compromised, USS was informed on Thursday 11 May that details of USS members were held on the Capita servers accessed by the hackers. The information potentially accessed includes:

  • Their title, initial(s), and name; their date of birth; their National Insurance number; their USS member number.

The details, dating from early 2021, cover around 470,000 active, deferred and retired members.

While Capita cannot currently confirm if this data was definitively “exfiltrated” (i.e., accessed and/or copied) by the hackers, they recommend USS members work on the assumption it was.

USS are telling their members that they are awaiting receipt of the specific data from Capita, which they will in turn need to check and process. USS uses Capita systems but not Capita’s administration.

USS will be writing to each of the members affected by this – and, where applicable, their employers – as soon as possible to make them aware, to apologise for any distress or inconvenience caused, and to provide ongoing support and advice.

Other Capita clients are not so patient. Colchester appears to have had a similar problem.

Colchester Council’s chief operating officer Richard Block told the Colchester Gazette and Standard

“The council is extremely disappointed that such a serious and widespread data breach has occurred and is robustly addressing the matter with Capita.

“I want to reassure all residents that we are taking steps with Capita to fully understand how they have caused this data breach as well as any further action required.


To be fair to USS

From the sideline, it does appear that USS are doing rather better than Capita in keeping “stakeholders” involved.

USS has information on its website providing tips on how to spot scams, and a set of Q&As is available here to  address any immediate questions.

Members can also email mydata@uss.co.uk if they have any further queries not covered on www.uss.co.uk.

USS is encouraging members to only ever give out personal information if they are absolutely sure they know who they are communicating with. It is advising members

  • If you receive a suspicious email, you should forward it to report@phishing.gov.uk. For text messages and telephone calls, forward the information to 7726 (free of charge). For items via post, contact the business concerned.

  • If there are any changes to your National Insurance information, HM Revenue & Customs would contact you – but you can also phone them on 0300 200 3500.

  • If you are concerned someone might be impersonating USS, please let us know by emailing mydata@uss.co.uk.

The National Cyber Security Centre and the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) both provide guidance that may also be useful.

USS has  reported this incident to the ICO and will work with them on any investigation they choose to conduct and any recommendations they might subsequently make to USS. USS has also informed the Pensions Regulator and the Financial Conduct Authority.

It says it is  confident members’ pensions remain secure. USS has reviewed their  own systems and controls to ensure they remain robust. My USS login information has not been compromised.


View of an outsider

This is more than an embarrassment . The data was hacked over 6 weeks ago and it is only now that the USS trustees and executive have been made aware. I have spoken with USS on this and have been told that to date no member has reported any impact from their data being compromised.

But the fact remains that nearly half a million current, retired and former academics are at risk from their data being traded on the dark web.

Alan Chaplin, my senior correspondent on these matters, has this to say

And the Pensions Regulator is clearly anticipating more trustees with problems

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The Pension Institute denies LDI had victims; opinion or research?

I have just been asked to read a report on the LDI crisis that draws the following conclusions

To read this Pension Institute discussion paper “Liability-Driven-Investment-a-Victimless-Disaster“. It is written by Keith Wallace , a lawyer with an impressive CV but not known as a pension practitioner.

This is surprising as the paper is filed on the Pension Institute website as a “practitioner report” and not a “discussion paper” . Herein lies a problem. It is neither research nor the experience of a practitioner. It is a collection of opinions,

If you choose to read it all , I’d advise you start from the final page and then consider whether you can stomach the 25 pages that lead up to it.

The paper serves as an academic exoneration of the pensions industry for the LDI crisis last year and is based on the assumption that the only loss to pension schemes was the £3.5bn profit made by the BOE on its bail-out operation.

The loss to pension schemes is expertly laid out by Katherine Lyons in Professional Pensions “Get me out of this LDI shaped hole

She reports on schemes having to commit more assets to their matching portfolios, resulting in schemes having to take more risk to meet their return targets. That assumes they still have the capacity to reorganise assets

The denominator factor is made even more challenging for some schemes as the reduction in the market value of assets over the LDI crisis and the sell off of a large proportion of the liquid growth assets to support the LDI funds has left some schemes with an overly large proportion of assets in illiquid private market assets.

Which means that some schemes are struggling to find liquidity to pay pensions to members. This does not sound a victimless crisis

Keith Wallace relies heavily on market information provided by XPS and Jagger Associates and will no-doubt be used by some organizations to draw a line under the events of last year.

If any pension schemes involved in the raising of collateral to meet LDI obligations in September and October last year regard this disaster as “victimless”, I have yet to meet them.

The PPF accept that the asset base of the PPF 7800 database of schemes is depleted by at least £400bn, Keating and Clacher assess this to be north of £500bn in 2022 and numerous papers on this have been posted on this blog and elsewhere have attributed the loss of assets , to a large part, to the failure of leveraged LDI.

To give but one example of its distorted logic, take item 12.3 above.

It is generally accepted, even by the Pensions Regulator, that TPR was caught out by the events following the mini-budget. TPR’s “modest response”  to what happens does not signify we can continue as usual, it tells us that regulation of LDI was not fit for purpose and will have to radically change. When we start justifying an action by the failures of the actors , we are in a world of trouble.

We now know that the stress was particularly felt by schemes participating in pooled funds, but the fire sale of assets was not confined to small schemes. There was a wholesale rush to liquidate over the period. The report’s author, Keith Wallace – appears to have been at least one step away from the operational and governance issues. How this could be filed as a “practitioner’s report” is unclear.

The discussion paper’s structure is designed to build a case based on historical evidence that takes us back to 1980 and draws heavily on the author’s legal experience. Half of the paper is taken up with giving us an erudite walk around the background and it is only at page 13 that we get to “what actually happened” in 2022.

What follows is a jumble of opinion and anecdote based largely on conversations with actors who clearly have good reason to present the crisis “their way”. This would be fine in a blog, where prejudice is admitted, but not fine in an academic paper, where we are expecting a presentation of fact.

Which begs the question, what exactly is the Pension Institute and why is it publishing this paper. It is part of Bayes (formerly Cass) Business School and  claims

to be the first and only U.K. academic research centre focused entirely on pensions research.

I wonder how its reputation is enhanced by this discussion  paper and how the paper benefits either the Pension Institute or Bayes Business School. If it is a  report, it needs to be called out and dismissed, it is a poor piece of work. If it is an opinion piece, it is no more than an extended blog with delusions of grandeur.

Either way it is plain “wrong” in its conclusions.  The research that underpins it seems to be little more than tittle-tattle. The report’s  intention is to deny liability for the detriment caused by the LDI through a spurious cloak of academia.

We cannot learn from the LDI crisis – by denying it had no victims. Whether an opinion piece of a practitioner report, this report needs calling out.

 

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“So what’s a pretty ILG doing here, then?” The indexed linked gilt’s called to account.

This blog looks at how index-linked gilts came to be and asks what they are doing in LDI portfolios – its authors are Jon Spain and Con Keating


In 1980, the Wilson Report was published, recommending that the UK government should issue index-linked gilts for pension funds. Announced in the Budget on 10 March 1981, the first issue was for £1 billion at par on 27 March 1981. Initially restricted to approved private sector pension schemes, ownership was relaxed a year later. Within a year, 4 index-linked stocks had been issued, three (including the very first) bearing a coupon of 2.0 % with one bearing a coupon of 2.5 %.

Since then, using the over 15-year index data available, real yields (relative to RPI) on long index-linked gilts have fluctuated enormously, reaching as high as 4.5% (Dec 1991) and as low as -2.6% (Nov 2021). Why have they been so strongly recommended by actuaries and TPR?

Initially touted as ideal for pension schemes with future cashflows tied to RPI movements, little thought seems to have been paid to an ideal structure for the intended buyers. For one thing, few private sector pension rights are even fully linked to inflation, with different limits applied to different pension tranches, suggesting that ILGs provide inflation protection which may be unneeded. Also, for substantial periods, the protection offered by linkers was below inflation.

Until 2030, the payments receivable on ILGs will be indexed in line with RPI, with CPIH to be used after that (see ukrpi.com). The ILGs have an inflexible structure. If trustees are looking for inflation-proofed income in order to support pensions in payment, then they must buy an extremely large capital sum. Alternatively, if they really want inflation-proofed capital, for reasons we don’t understand, then they must also buy driblets of income.

Maybe ILG investment returns have been so good as to offset these disadvantages?

Well, that is not really the case. Over periods of 15 years, the average annual return was 8.18% for long index-linked gilts against 7.91% on long conventional gilts, a slightly better performance by 0.27%. During 2022, both types of long gilts returned very high negative returns, being 46.92% (index-linked) and 40.05% (conventionals). So, as well as being inflexible and not aiming at producing the investment cashflows likely to be useful to private sector pension scheme trustees and sponsors, this asset class’s performance has not been persuasively attractive.

One aspect of the attraction of ILGs has been that TPR has very strongly encouraged actuaries and trustees to use index-linked gilt inputs for actuarial valuation assumptions, and this may well have fuelled the demand rather than any higher returns fitting the trustees’ actual cashflow and funding requirements.

As indicated above, the first four index-gilts were issued with coupons of around 2% (one a little higher). Since then, looking at the index-linked gilts in issue as at the end of 2022,  they have been issued with coupons ranging between 0.125% (virtually zero) and around 4%. This emphasis on coupons is important in several respects, one of which is their role in determining the relative modified durations of these securities, namely their relative volatilities. For example, at the time of writing, the modified duration of the 1.125% conventional due 22/10/73 was 29.7 years, while the 0.125% index linked due 22/3/73 had a modified duration of 48.2 years. The ILG volatility in this case is expected to be 1.6 times that of the conventional.

The modified duration of a typical scheme was 18.5 years. The passage of one year, with rates unchanged, will leave the modified duration of this scheme as 18.2 years while the ILG will have a modified duration of 47.2 years. These differential rates of change carry important consequences if trying also to hedge discount rate sensitivities, and it is evident from the results now being reported by schemes, that many were, in effect, materially over-hedged.

It should be noted that no one seems to have a clear picture of where the ILGs are actually held now. In June 2016, Schroders estimated that UK private sector defined benefit schemes already owned an estimated 80% of the long-dated index-linked gilt market, assessing their potential demand at almost five times the size of the market. At year-end 2022, ILGs had a total market value of £561 billion, 29% of gilts outstanding. Direct holdings by defined benefit pension schemes at September 2022, as reported by the ONS, were £264 billion, 43% of the total outstanding. Of course, DB pension schemes had much further exposure to ILGs through pooled funds, which could plausibly have doubled the sector’s exposure to ILGs. Notwithstanding this uncertainty, it clear that ownership of ILGs is highly concentrated in DB pension funds.

 

Concentrated ownership of a security results in extreme price behaviour in terms of both highs and lows; an exaggerated form of the risk on / risk off behaviour. This was particularly evident in the year ended October 2022, when the ultra-long linkers fell by more than 85% in price, over 10% more than conventionals. This behaviour may be illustrated by considering the rolling 12-month correlations of returns, as shown in the chart below:

 

The conclusion to be drawn from this is that, when correlations are high (close to 1.00), ILGs may from time to time be a good surrogate for conventional gilts, but there are also substantial periods of time when they are not.

 

This may also be seen in a regression of these conventional and linker indices. While much of the regression coefficient can be explained by the differing relative durations, not all can be. The low R squared, 62%, indicates that ILGs are a very imperfect hedge of conventionals – which poses some acute challenges for LDI strategies using ILGs.

When LDI struck in September 2022, gilts came under pressure from the margin calls of leveraged positions. The Bank of England intervention was initially limited to purchases of conventional gilts, which is consistent with their actions in quantitative easing which was limited to conventional securities. The decision to expand the facility to include ILGs can only be interpreted as being driven by a desire to preserve a viable ILG market and that channel of government financing. There really are no substantial arguments for the systemic importance of ILGs.

Given all of the above, we are left with a question: Why have actuaries and TPR so strongly favoured ILGs for so long above all other assets?

 

 

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Spoiled for choice – two chances to hear LCP’s radical proposals for DB pensions

One of the best Pension PlayPen coffee mornings was delivered by Steve Hodder a couple of weeks back. The teams file went missing but it’s been relocated and I’m pleased we can now share what was said and asked.

It looks like LCP are going to repeat the dose, this time on their home system and I am sure I won’t be the only Pension PlayPen member who will attend for a second time.

It’s the £1.5tn question – is it time to consider DB schemes as a huge opportunity for the UK economy and generations, rather than a problem?

Is it really right that £1.5tn is heading for ultra low-returning investments, at a time when the UK is facing a multitude of financial problems?

LCP’s young strategist – Steve Hodder

 

LCP think it is time to be more ambitious with DB pensions. They have been developing an idea for around a year to unlock the potential of DB schemes, whilst fully-protecting members. They will update you on how we are working with government, treasury and others to see if we can make it happen.

Join Steve Hodder and Laasya Shekaran at 11am on 24 May for a webinar (registration link here ), hosted by Steve Webb, where LCP will set out our idea to change how DB schemes are managed.

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“Don’t bank on living average”! Aussie plan investments that last as long as we do!

This blog’s by my friend Jim Hennington, an Australian actuary who translates charts into simple messages.

Jim Hennington – Aussie actuary

If you are interested in the delivery of investment solutions that the Australians are devising to meet this issue, then click on the link at the bottom of the article.


Here’s why NOBODY’S retirement plan / product should be built around “average life expectancy” figures.

This chart takes 10,000 65-year-old couples and projects how long they’ll live using the Australian Life Tables[1]. The horizontal axis is the age different households will live to (based on the longest surviving spouse of each couple). The black line shows how many of them live to that age (i.e. the longer living spouse passes away).

You can see there is a huge range for how long different retired households live. As individuals, we just don’t know where we will land on this chart. You could get hit by a bus, of you could live to the end of the life tables (age 109). Both are possible – it’s subject to randomness.

While actuaries like me can project what will happen for a GROUP of lives, we can’t name WHO will live to each age.

For individuals, the key thing is to consider how confident you need to be that you won’t outlive your retirement plan / product. The colouring in the chart shows what planning age to use to be either 50%, 75% or 90% confident that your planning age will cover how long you might live.

To be, say, 75% sure your plan / product will cover both lifespans for you and your spouse, it needs to last until age 98. If you’re happy to have a 50/50 chance that one spouse will outlive the plan, then planning to age 94 gives this probability. To be 90% sure, the average couple entering retirement needs their money to last to age 101 !

This has a profound impact on those building retirement products and retirement plans. It impacts how much you can safely draw each year from your super in retirement !! This is why the government has been pushing super funds for a decade to introduce ‘lifetime’ products – that absorb this uncertainty for you.

For example see this SuperGuide article https://lnkd.in/g9EKsCj. Five providers have launched new style products so far and most super funds are planning to improve their offerings.


1] ALT 2015-17 using the 25-year improvement rates and looking at joint-life projections.

Jim’s blog first appeared on linked in.

 

 

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Capita in the dark- dashboard in the lay-by. No news ≠ good news

No news ≠ good news from Capita

Capita are reported in the Times to be estimating the cost of the hack of pension data to be £20m to its shareholders.

In its third stock-market announcement since it revealed it had been hit at the end of March, Capita also reported that some data was taken from “less than 0.1 per cent” of its computer servers, although it did not specify whose information it was.

The two questions that spring to mind are

  1. Does Capita know what data has been stolen, in which case how does it know the financial consequences?
  2. Has a ransom been paid to the hackers, enabling Capita to put a financial cost to resolving the problem?

The Times, which has been running this story since it first emerged update us

In recent weeks a sum of money was transferred to the crypto wallet of Black Basta, according to sources that track these payments, such as Chainalysis. Capita has disappeared from the names of the victims listed on the hackers website.

This might suggest that a ransom has been paid, as Alan Chaplin points out.

Herein is the problem, no news is not necessarily good news but can Capita say anything more. For customers, whether those paying Capita’s bills or those whose data is managed by Capita, there is little certainty -little comfort in a stock market update.


No news ≠ good news from the dashboard.

Yesterday also saw an announcement from the Pension Dashboard Program which contained updates on various matters but no news on the substantive decisions that need to be taken before a renewed dashboard timetable can be delivered.

As many business plans depend on the delivery of the dashboard, delays are difficult though expected. We expect an update in July and for that update to include news on who is taking control going forward and when we can reasonably expect to be using dashboards both in the experimental (beta) phase and more importantly as “business as usual”.


No news better than fake news

Managing news is part of the job of big-tech projects – as engaged in by Capita and PDP.

The argument to keep information to the minimum is based on the complex web of non-disclosure agreements and understandings put in place to protect the commercial interests of the commercial parties involved.

The general public are not a party to these agreements though they are generally the counterparty – the people who are the losers when things go wrong.

The victims of further dashboard delays like the victims of data hacks will only find out the cost to them of what has gone wrong, after the event. Many will never associate the non-availability of their pension data in one place with a failure to create a consolidated retirement plan. Many may never know that the source of a hack in one of their accounts resulted from a leak in their pension data.

No news is better than fake news and putting out the wrong information on what has gone wrong is not the answer. But in matters as important as data security and the delivery of consolidated views of all our pensions, the public deserve a proper explanation.

We should keep pushing Capita and Government for answers not just on what has gone wrong but when things will go right!


Capita in the dark – dashboard in the lay-by

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